Archive for September, 2009

On Becoming Ungovernable

Wednesday, September 30th, 2009

“This movement should create a situation in which authorities will control empty stores, but not the market; the employment of workers, but not their livelihood; the official media, but not the circulation of information; printing plants, but not the publishing movement; the mail and telephones, but not communications; and the school system, but not education.”

– Wiktor Kulerski,
Polish proto-agorist cited in “A Tribute To The Polish People

How Counter-Economics Took Down The Polish Communist State

Tuesday, September 29th, 2009

The Foundation for Economic Education (FEE) has published an article that agorists ought to find particularly relevant and inspiring — A Tribute to the Polish People. It’s basically the story of how counter-economics was the downfall of the Polish communist state.

Excerpts:

“Poland’s communist leader Gen. Wojciech Jaruzelski had struck an agreement with Lech Walesa’s banned Solidarity organization early in the year to legalize suppressed political groups and schedule elections for June 4. He had little choice. Poland, he declared, had become ‘ungovernable.’”

“Poles were dodging and weaving around the Jaruzelski regime in ways that almost defied imagination. Shortages of basic foodstuffs, double-digit inflation, and a powerful secret police did not deter them from creating thriving black markets and flourishing private institutions, from radio to theaters to publishing houses and schools.”

Read it.

Question: So Agorism Relies Solely on Market Forces to Accomplish the Abolition of the State?

Tuesday, September 29th, 2009

On the role of advocacy…

Question: So Agorism Relies Solely on Market Forces to Accomplish the Abolition of the State?

Answer: Not quite. The market is restrained not merely by literal force/coercion, but by statist “false consciousness” — i.e. the false belief that state dictates carry moral weight. See also La Boetie’s “Discourse on Voluntary Servitude”.

By working to build a revolutionary class consciousness of the productive class exploited by the parasitic state, peaceful but forbidden market activity becomes a new option for people who wouldn’t have previously considered it. In doing so, we gradually develop the market for enterprise provision of security and dispute resolution services.

The long process of building a pervasive black market counter-establishment economy (or counter-economy for short) also gradually weakens the state by diminishing its supply of ill-gotten loot. Eventually, the state collapses mostly under the wieght of its own contradictions as it goes bankrupt — but the remaining diehards will be arrested like any other bandits ought to be.

The MHD guys dropped by for a visit

Tuesday, September 29th, 2009

The MHD guys dropped by for a visit. Here’s the interview that resulted.

I Want Socialized Health Care (and Everything Else)

Sunday, September 27th, 2009

Let’s get one thing straight…

Real “socialized health care” would be the provision of that service by a true free market, defined as zero state intervention in the economy, so that all interactions are voluntary rather than violently compelled.

The provision of services via mutually voluntary interaction among all actors is society’s method — i.e. the socialist method. Nothing else besides a true (i.e. stateless) free market can be said to serve the interests of society as a whole, because compulsory interaction (i.e. the political method) necessarily must serve the ends of only an elite that benefits from it unilaterally.

Racism and Saturday Talking Heads

Saturday, September 19th, 2009

I just saw a clip on Headline News in which U.S. President Barrack Obama stated (essentially) that yes, racism is real and there is an element of that amongst the political opposition he faces, but that opposition is principally simply anti-government. This is, in my view, a correct and honest assessment that Obama deserves credit for offering. Notably, it contradicts what many of his supporters are saying.

Compare the above with an earlier segment I saw on MSNBC where Carl Jeffers said (among other things) that the oft-repeated phrase (amongst what I would characterize as the right-populist crowd) that “We want our country back!” is a code word for racist sentiments. This seems a blatant smear on the part of Jeffers.

It would have been far more accurate criticism for Jeffers to call such statements simply dumb. If by “country” one means the US government, it has never been yours, folks. As George Carlin noted, it’s run for the benefit of an exclusive club and you’re not a member. Of course, Jeffers is unlikely to say such things because he’s an apologist for and junior member of that elite.

Notes on the counter-economic provision of health care

Saturday, September 19th, 2009

I re-tweeted a status update from J. Neil Schulman:

95% of what licensed physicians do during an office medical examination could be handled by an app on your iPhone

…which resulted in the following response on Facebook from David R.

I think this is very true. When I go to the doctor, they have a nurse come in and ask me a bunch of medical questions which are all prompted by a computer program. The nurse sits at a workstation and checks off my answers. The computer then suggests a diagnosis and treatment. Most of the time I don’t even see the doctor, but a Physician’s Assistant comes in and tells me what the computer told them. The only reason I have to even go to the doctor is to get the prescription I already knew I needed.

Between open source software and drug smuggling, I’d say there’s a lot of potential here. Counter-economists, take note!

Request for Comment and Collaboration: Agorism and the Government Employee

Friday, September 18th, 2009

So I’m thinking about putting a booklet together that would be less ideology (although there’d be some of that) and more of a compilation of suggestions for when the shit hits the fan (i.e. the phase transition from stage three to four in Konkin’s four phase strategy of revolution). The working title I have in mind (subject to change) is “Agorism and the Government Employee”. Here’s the beginings of an outline.

I. Introduction: “Why Do These Terrible People Want to Abolish Government?”

II. Agorist Revolutionary Theory: “OMG! They’re Fucking Serious!”

III. Maximum Fuckup: Why The State Will Fall of Its Own Accord
…and we just need to put the right ideas out there to help people manage the collapse.

IV. Free Workers Syndicates: When Privatization Becomes Socialism for Fun and Profit

V. Police

VI. Street and Highway Departments

VII. Water and Sewer Departments

Additional topic areas?

Anyone want to stake a claim to one of these chapters/topics and work on it?

If this happens, it will probably be released as a C4SS special publication.

A Conversation on Property and Anarchy

Wednesday, September 16th, 2009

The following was originally a note on Facebook. I’m re-posting it here for sake of convenience in preparing future followups.

This is a continuation of what I was saying about property in comments on one of Barry’s status updates. Since it also provides some context for Dave in a seperate but similar conversation that I haven’t composed a thorough reply for yet, I’m also tagging him in this note (as well as others, of varying opinions).

Barry started things off with the following quote:

“(Private) property is the domination of an individual, or a coalition of individuals, over things; it is not the claim of any person or persons to the use of things - this is (possession), a very different matter. Property means the monopoly of… wealth, the right to prevent others using it, whether the owner needs it or not.” - Charlotte Wilson

I then commented:

“Very briefly, the offered distinction between ‘property’ and ‘possession’ is only one way to explain the matter of both justice and injustice being associated with property relations under statism.

Another one is based on examination of who is said to own what and why they are said to supposedly do so — to sort ownership claims into valid and invalid ones (with valid ones deriving from labor and invalid ones deriving from state granted privilege).”

Barry then said:

“Please explain what you mean in more detail. Let’s assume there is no state involved for the moment.. what then is the difference in your mind between private property and possession?”

To which I replied:

“That would be the difference between fruit and oranges. Usufruct (i.e. ‘possession’) is basically a type of ownership. If you don’t want to call owned goods ‘property’, that’s okay — but the consensed standards still amount to an understanding or set of rules (however vague or specific suits local consensus) as to who ‘properly’ can make decisions about what [I should have perhaps said 'which material resources' rather than simply 'what']. And that amounts to a de facto property system as I define property.”

I should now probably try to clarify some more by adding the following…

First, I’ve made a point of mostly NOT using the term “private property”, instead saying simply “property”, for the past few years for two reasons:

1) In the positive sense that the term is used by some who have influenced my thinking, it’s a redundancy. Private in the sense of non-state is the opposite of state or “public” property in that framework — and since the state as a criminal gang can’t legitimately own anything in my view, any valid property claim is “private”, even property held collectively by non-state (i.e. voluntary) associations. Note carefully, BTW, that this BY NO MEANS implies that all that is said to be “private property” under statism is an ethically valid property claim. Rather, much of it is stolen property in the hands of a state-allied ruling class.

2) I’m well aware that many use the term “private property” to mostly point to the invalid property claims I mentioned above. If I want to debate what I see as our *actual* differences of opinion, I have to be aware of and work around terminology issues that might make those differences seem larger than what I think they actually are.

So, anyway, I would classify usufruct as one type of property system. It would be a closer approximation to justice than what exists under statism. However, I personally advocate what I see as an even closer approximation to justice. If I was arbitrating a dispute between two parties that both wanted to contract my services in that regard, I could just as easily apply a usufruct standard if that’s what they both wanted, though. While it’s partly correct to call what I advocate “private property” in the sense that it’s a couple of iterations further down the road from where it started as classical liberal or Lockean property theory, it’s also partly incorrect to do so in the sense that doing so obscures its similarities with usufruct. In my view, anyway, they would have an at least 90% overlap in terms of real world results if either standard was applied consistently. But, yes, I do see what I advocate (Rothbardian property theory, as contextually modified by Konkin’s theories of revolution and class) as more ethically precise, a closer approximation to justice, than usufruct or “possession”.

Both usufruct and Rothbardian property theory assert that ownership claims derive from inherent human rights, regardless of the state’s opinion of who ought to own what. The notion of human rights indicates that, generally, those who produce have best claim to what they produce. In short, ownership derives from labor.

The difference between the two is that where usufruct says ownership derives from initial and ongoing use, Rothbardian property theory basically just points to initial use. As Kevin Carson has pointed out, though, this really just means the two property frameworks are just points on a spectrum of opinion over what ought to constitute abandonment of property. Most advocates of usufruct don’t seem to think you should lose your stuff if you walk away from it for five minutes. Likewise, if Rothbardian property theory was the general consensus there would still be some sort of standard that developed for handling clear cases of abandonment.

Notable, also, is that either property framework provides a basis for the revolutionary redistribution of property. Link: http://agorism.info/_media/ma1.pdf

Additionally, in response to further objections from Barry, I wrote in comments on the note:

Your objections appear to go back to the assumption that “capitalism” in the sense of a system of oppression characterized by monopolization of capital derives from exchange (at least, where labor is exchanged).

My position is that systematic monopolization of wealth by an oppressor class can only derive from its ongoing forcible transfer by a socially legitimized means of compulsion (i.e. a state). Only in that context can wealth be monopolized to such an extent that exchange itself is called into question because the terms of such bargains can then be dictated.

If one’s only option is to work for “the man”, it’s because other options have been violently denied to you — not because there’s anything intrinsically wrong with exchanging labor for something else.

ADDENDUM: I ought to perhaps add that where I said above:

My position is that systematic monopolization of wealth by an oppressor class can only derive from its ongoing forcible transfer by a socially legitimized means of compulsion (i.e. a state).

…that this follows from a Misesean praxeological understanding of transactions. In order for an exchange to occur, both parties have to perceive a gain in value to be achieved for themselves in carrying out the exchange, else they wouldn’t bother to exchange. Purely free exchange is, by definition, a win-win scenario. Only state granted privilege can systematically compel exchanges to occur mostly to the benefit of just one party to a transaction and to little or no benefit to the other party who has little other choice. As Rothbard noted, if I recall correctly, monopolization is entirely state driven.

A short dialogue on property and markets versus capitalism

Wednesday, September 16th, 2009

Brad: Opposing the concepts of property and markets because of [statist] monopoly capitalism is like opposing wallets because someone took your wallet.

DM: You’re right, because if someone steals my wallet, I would blame exchange relations and artificial scarcity (markets) for there not being enough to go around; wishing I never had to have wallets or money in the first place.

Brad: But what I’m trying to show is the structure of the reasoning going on.

On both sides of the comparison, an ideological conclusion A is reached by looking at an obvious injustice B:

A <- B

I’m saying A doesn’t necessarily follow from B all on its own. Instead, reaching A as a conclusion *only* makes sense in the context of analytical framework C (the assumption that B is a result of exchange relations, that markets cause scarcity rather than merely managing it, et cetera).

In other words, what’s really going on in people’s minds is:

{A <- B } if C

That’s a very big IF, and before I go after it directly I have to draw attention to the fact that it’s even there.

In other words, one can’t point to B in support of C where there are alternative explanations for B. Instead, C has to stand on its own merits.

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